EUC Faculty Projects, 2008-11
Faculty research and workshops on the EU and European integration with support from the European Commission.
For more projects see Past Research Projects.
Through his three-year Nuffield Trust-supported study of EU health lawmaking and National Science Foundation-supported research on the effects of EU law on the health systems of France, Germany, Spain, and the UK, Scott L. Greer, assistant professor of health management and policy at U-M’s School of Public Health, has come to appreciate the remarkable and remarkably unreported emergence of the EU as a major force in international public health policy, in general, and in communicable disease control, in particular.
EUCE-MI hosted the conference “Bacteria without Borders: The European Governance of Communicable Disease Control” on May 7-8 in Ann Arbor. Communicable disease control might be one of the oldest and most central functions of government, but it is also one in transition. The European Union has become a major part of the public health infrastructure of the continent, influencing the chances and courses of illness with its policies and agencies. Like much of EU policy, this happened with few specific decisions and only a weak legal basis. But its influence is dramatic, and little-studied or even noted. This conference brought together academics and practitioners from the EU and U.S. to discuss how communicable disease control is becoming a strength of the EU and what its consequences might be.
The conference convenor was Scott Greer, and conference participants included: Bernard Merkel, European Union Delegation, Washington, D.C.; Jacques Drucker, Embassy of France, Washington D.C.; Scott Greer, Heather Elliott, David Kline Jones, and Howard Markel, U-M; Marco Liverani, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, University of London, UK; Margitta Mätzke, University of Göttingen, Germany; Tamara Hervey, Sheffield University, UK; Monika Steffen, IEP Grenoble, France; Louise Trubek and Thomas Oliver, University of Wisconsin-Madison; Wyn Grant, Warwick University, UK; and Daniel Fox, Milbank Memorial Fund; and Rosemary Taylor, Tufts University. Contributors to the conference were: Robyn Martin, Professor of Public Health Law, Centre for Research in Primary and Community Care, University of Hertfordshire, UK; Adjunct Professor, The Chinese University of Hong Kong; Honorary Professor, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine; Director, European Public Health Law Network; and Ralf Reintjes, Hamburg University of Applied Sciences. Preceding event, included the Conversations on Europe lecture titled, "What Do America and Europe Owe to the World's Least Healthy People? International Development Assistance for Health: The Role of the EU and the US," by Lawrence Gostin, Associate Dean and Professor, Law and Global Health, Georgetown University Law School.
The topics that were discussed included: Europe and Communicable Disease Control; Mapping Communicable Disease Control in EU Member States; The Role of the European Court of Justice; The ECDC: Hub or Hollow Core?; Communicable Disease Politics in the EU: Lessons from HIV/AIDS; Agricultural Policy, Food Policy, and Communicable Disease Policy. Jacques Drucker, Bernard Merkel, and Howard Markel presented the opening discussion with presentations on: “From the Charter Group to ECDC: The Construction of Surveillance and Control of Communicable Diseases in Europe,” and "The European Union's Response to Communicable Diseases and other Threats to Health.”
iTunesU Podcasts: “Bacteria without Borders: The European Governance of Communicable Disease Control”
Publications that have already emerged from this project:
Greer, Scott L., ed., Special Issue. “Bacteria without Borders: The Europeanization of Communicable Disease Control,” Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 37(1), 2012 (provisional scheduling).
Costa, Joan, and Scott L. Greer, eds. Federalism and Decentralization in European Health and Social Care: Policy Innovation, Competition and Cohesion. (Under contract with Palgrave Macmillan for 2012 publication.)
How have attitudes of Poles towards the EU evolved? What are the consequences of these attitudes for Polish and European politics? John E. Jackson, professor of political science at U-M, and Bogdan W. Mach, professor at the Institute of Political Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences, and Collegium Civitas in Warsaw, addressed these questions using two survey data sets.
Eastward expansion of the EU in 2004 contributed greatly to Poland’s growth. The research examined how the Polish economy changed and how these changes relate to attitudes about European integration.
The EU grant funds supported a collaborative project examining the dramatic increase in positive attitudes among Poles about the collective and personal benefits of EU membership. The project is based on panel data collected in 2003 and 2008, which documents clearly this increased support for the EU. The panel data enabled project leaders to measure the change in attitudes at the individual level, and to relate these changes to changes in personal and local characteristics. Examples of these changes are changes in income and employment, changes in regional unemployment, and the amount of money going to regions through the various EU transfer programs. The basic proposition was that the benefits from accession would be associated with the changes in attitudes. The second part of the project intended to examine if these more favourable EU attitudes are associated with the votes reported in the 2007 parliamentary election that replaced the euro-skeptic government led by PiS by a far more euro-friendly government headed by the PO. Lastly the project leaders hoped to begin making some comparisons between the changes in Pole’s attitudes with changes in attitudes in other EU countries.
Jackson, Mach and Jennifer Miller-Gonzalez (Department of Political Science), produced a paper (currently under review) that uses Polish panel data to argue that the direct and indirect economic benefits of accession are strongly associated with the large increase in Poles’ assessments that entry had been good for Poland and for themselves. This paper also shows a strong association between these more favourable EU attitudes and vote switches between the 2005 and 2007 parliamentary elections that replaced a Euro-skeptic government with a very Euro-friendly one.
An initial draft of the paper examining Polish attitudes and votes was presented at a conference, “Twenty Years After the Fall of the Berlin Wall: Overcoming ‘East’ and ‘West’” held at Victoria University, Wellington, New Zealand, 3-4 November 2009 and sponsored by the EU Center jointly at Christchurch and Wellington. A greatly revised version of the paper, titled “Buying Support and Regime Change: The Evolution of Polish Attitudes Towards the EU and Voting Between Accession and 2008,” is now under review at the journal European Union Politics.
The next question is whether older members of the EU, whose economies declined after 2004 associate this decline with decreased support for further European integration. Is expansion and further integration perceived as a zero sum game even though the vastly expanded markets and trading zones should boost all economies?
Preliminary analysis and a brief description of the results has been done on an extension of the work with the Polish data to examine changes in attitudes among Irish citizens during this same time period. There are two advantages to the extension to Ireland. The substantive advantage is that Ireland’s economy has declined sharply in the past two years, there has been a large in-migration of foreign workers, many from Poland during this period, and there have been some notable industrial relocations from Ireland to Poland and other accession countries. Thus, if EU expansion has elements of an economic zero sum game there is likely to be evidence of this in the Irish data. A practical reason for studying Ireland is that panel data comparable to the Polish data are available for the period 2002 to 2007. The project leaders intention is to expand on this analysis and to sharpen the contrasts between support for EU expansion in Poland and in Ireland. Economic fortunes have moved in opposite directions for these countries since the enlargement of the EU in 2004. The enlargement contributed greatly to Poland’s growth and possibly to some of Ireland’s difficulties. The research will extend existing work examining two countries and how their economies are changing, and how these changes are related to attitudes about European integration.
Publications that have already emerged from this project:
Jackson, John E., Bogdan W. Mach, and Jennifer Miller-Gonzalez. “Buying Support and Regime Change: The Evolution of Polish Attitudes towards the EU and Voting between Accession and 2008,” European Union Politics (forthcoming 2011).
Jackson, John E., Bogdan W. Mach, and Radosław Markowski. “Party Strategy and Electoral Competition in Post-Communist Countries: Evidence from Poland,” Journal of Electoral Studies 29(2): 199-209, 2010.
Anna Grzymala-Busse, professor of political science at U-M, compiled a database of sacralization in Europe. This includes data on church efforts to recast political debates, the political response, and policy outcomes in several critical domains: abortion, divorce, education, stem-cell research, same sex marriage, environmental concerns, prostitution, poverty, and immigration/asylum rights.The project will advance an important and flourishing research agenda in the study of religion and politics at U-M, making three contributions to the scholarly community.
Anna Grzymala-Busse and David Smith, (Department of Political Science), continued to gather data on the sacralization of politics in eleven countries: the United States, Canada, Ireland, Italy, Spain, Germany, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, Croatia and Lithuania. For this part of the project, they are looking at levels of sacralization—the pervasiveness of religious language, the involvement of churches, and the amount of religious influence on legislators and other politicians—on issue areas of abortion, divorce, same sex marriage, religious education and stem cell research. They are interested in variance on several dimensions—why in one country, churches may become very involved in political debates over some of these issues, but remain silent on others; why the same church may be vocal about one of these issues in one country but not in another; why politicians sometimes embrace sacral language and perspectives and enact legislation in accordance with church teachings, and why they sometimes ignore the churches altogether. Thus, for each issue and each country, they have collected data on (1) whether churches had become involved in the debate; (2) whether churches recast the debate in religious terms; (3) whether politicians used religious language in the debate; (4) whether legislators used religious arguments to justify legislation; (5) whether legislation was consonant with church teachings. This part of the project is largely complete.
This data-gathering process primarily involved extensive searches on Lexis Nexis for news reports on political debates and ecclesiastical statements. In some cases secondary sources were available, but for most of the East-Central European countries there was nothing available in English, and the dataset had to be built from the ground up. It is intended to be a fully replicable dataset, and meticulously documented. The complete dataset is 40,000 words long and contains around 500 footnoted sources. The results are often surprising. In Croatia, for example, a heavily Catholic country, the Catholic Church is very involved in all of these debates and politicians frequently pay lip–service to it, yet in actual policy terms the Church has made little headway, and it still has one of the most permissive abortion laws in Europe. Hungary, on the other hand, which has fewer Catholic adherents, quieter churches and more secular politicians, has a more restrictive abortion law, and has entrenched extensive privileges for the Catholic Church. Since completing data collection, the researchers have concentrated their efforts on developing and testing various competing theories to explain these puzzling outcomes.
A major component of this year was completing data collection on Christian Democratic Parties in applicable cases. Many parties in Europe call themselves “Christian Democratic,” but there is great variance in how closely they are associated with churches and how much they support church positions on social and economic issues. Many East European Christian Democratic parties started out as something else—as nationalist or libertarian parties, for example—and only gradually assumed a Christian Democratic stance in response to domestic pressure, such as the need to carve out a viable political niche on the right, or international pressure, such as guidance from the German CDU/CSU and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, or from the Vatican. In this part of the project Grzymala-Busse and Smith examined four cases in great depth—Croatia, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland—tracing changes in Christian Democratic party policies, organization and rhetoric in response to changing electoral pressures and the new strategic environment brought about by the prospect of admission into the EU. In all four cases, parties changed basic elements of their platforms (e.g. disavowing nationalism in the case of Croatia’s HDZ, adopting “social market principles” in the case of Hungary’s Fidesz) in order to conform to the expectations and demands of western Europeans, especially Germans, about what constituted acceptable right-wing politics in the European Union. Eastern Europe’s Christian Democrats sought both entry for their countries into the EU and Christian Democratic allies for their parties in the European parliament, both of which involved convincing often-skeptical EU members that they had jettisoned the chauvinism and authoritarianism that had always seemed to pervade right-wing politics in Eastern and East Central Europe. However, some parties such as Poland’s Law and Justice were unwilling to make the concessions necessary to join the Christian Democratic fold. They also collected data on the volatility of Christian Democrats’ electoral fortunes compared to other parties in post-communist Europe.
See also: Conversations on Europe. "The Sacralization of Politics in Europe and Beyond." Anna Grzymala-Busse, Professor of Political Science. The College of Literature, Science, and the Arts Ronald and Eileen Weiser Professorship in European and Eurasian Studies Inaugural Lecture. Dec 2, 2010. audio | video
Conference presentations based on the research: “Lessons from Church: How Religions Expand without Diluting Doctrine,” American Political Science Association (APSA), Washington, DC (September 2-5, 2010); “Why are There are (Almost) No Post-Communist Christian Democratic Parties?,” Conference on Developing Party Systems, Princeton University (April 29-May 1, 2010), and in Party Politics (forthcoming 2011); “The Devil’s Advocate: Post-Communist Religion and Politics,” APSA, Toronto, Ontario (September 3-6, 2009).
This project builds on a previous collaborative project involving American and European researchers that included a 2004 pilot survey of three relatively specific Muslim population groups: Bangladeshis in London and Manchester, Turks in Berlin, and Moroccans in Madrid. Nearly 600 individuals were surveyed across all the sites, with virtually identical questions asked in each location. The goals were to enable researchers to quantify population characteristics and to make comparisons across the three countries and of different age, gender, and length-of-stay cohorts within countries. Some questions were identical to those asked of Arab-Americans in a Detroit Arab-American survey, thus enabling transatlantic comparisons, too. In collaboration with colleague Berta Álvarez-Miranda Navarro, at Complutense University, Madrid, U-M Professors of Political Science Ken Kollman and Mark Tessler implemented a follow-up to a 2004 survey of Moroccans in Madrid. In the 2004 survey, respondents were selected from city register of immigrants, and asked questions on a variety of subjects, including immigration status, work status, political attitudes, cultural and religious practices, their identities as immigrants and new residents of Spain, and opinions of their local neighborhoods. In this 2010 survey, there was by necessity a different sampling scheme (no access to city registers), and the scope of the questions was smaller, due to a limited budget.
The investigators selected group of questions, focusing mostly on immigration status, identities, work status, and religious practices and beliefs. It is important to note that this is not a panel study—the investigators were not interviewing the same people again. And it is not a study that attempts to replicate the same study as in 2004. Using a different sampling scheme, investigators are trying to learn once again about the population of Moroccans immigrants in Madrid, to discover the patterns that currently exist and compare them to the patterns that existed in 2004, understanding the limits of comparison over time given the differences in the studies.
The purposes of the study are threefold: to understand the current state of affairs among Moroccans in Madrid in their religious practices and their attitudes toward being in Spain; to understand how those religious practices relate to other aspects of their lives, especially their identities and their civic behavior; and to the extent possible, to compare over the relationships among religious practices and beliefs and their work lives, their civic behavior, and their identities over (that is, to compare over time the relationships among variables--what has changed since 2004 in how religion affects or affected by other behavioral or fixed attributes?).
The data gathered are rich enough to be used by a variety of scholars studying different research questions. But the primary motivation is in using data to learn the weight of the role of religion (versus other things like economic or immigrant status) on the decisions and identities of these people.
The sample of Madrid residents of Moroccan origin was selected following random routes within those city districts with the highest concentration of this population. The survey was conducted by the same agency as in 2004, Instituto de Marketing y Opinión Pública, S.A. (IMOP) in late summer of 2010. The survey firm is now organizing the data into a useable dataset and ensuring confidentiality of respondents. The principal investigators will be receiving the data during 2010-11 and to complete the analysis.
This three-year project included a set of interrelated instructional and research activities centered on the creation of a European Higher Education Area (EHEA) by the EU. Three international seminars were: one in Ann Arbor in March 2009: “Toward a European Higher Education Area: Bologna Process and Beyond”; one in Oslo in May 2010, and a final one in Ann Arbor in May 2011. Each seminar was linked to graduate courses offered by U-M's Center for the Study of Higher and Postsecondary Education (CSHPE). The lead U-M unit, CSHPE, has been the top-ranked U.S. higher education research and graduate education center for over 50 years. Located at U-M's School of Education, CSHPE is comprised of faculty and graduate students interested in higher education as a social institution and as an area of professional practice. Although the predominant emphasis within CSHPE has been on U.S. higher education, faculty and students have continuously engaged abroad in a variety of professional development and research activities. Given the Council of Europe's 2010 deadline for establishing EHEA, 2008-11 were an optimal time to concentrate on the university dimension of the EU. Of particular interest was how accountability is achieved at the federal level while national and institutional autonomy are maintained, and how shifts in ethnic, racial and religious diversity are reflected in EHEA as well as policies and practices at the national and university levels. Principal investigators for this project were Janet Lawrence, associate professor, and Michael Bastedo, associate professor, U-M School of Education; and Peter Maassen, professor and director of Higher Education Development Association (HEDDA), University of Oslo, Norway.
iTunesU Podcasts. “School of Education: Towards European Higher Education Area"
This is a research initiative developed by a Working Group chaired by Cindy A. Schipani, professor of business law at U-M's Stephen M. Ross School of Business; other members include Terry Dworkin, Indiana University; Virginia Maurer, University of Florida; Angel Kwolek-Folland, University of Florida; Marina v.N. Whitman, Ross School of Business and Ford School of Public Policy, U-M; and Mary Hinesly, Women's Initiative, Ross School of Business, U-M. The multi-phase project resulted in survey collection of comparable data among the countries of North America and Western Europe to determine which factors enable women to obtain and remain in positions of leadership in business organizations.
In the final phase of the Pathways project, partially funded by the European Union Center for Excellence, the principal investigator Cindy Schipani and her collaborators executed their survey and held a workshop in Rome, Italy with other invited scholars, to begin analysis of the survey responses. The workshop participants included: Cindy Schipani,(University of Michigan); Mary Hinesly, (University of Michigan); Terry Morehead Dworkin, (Indiana University); Virginia Maurer, Director, (University of Florida); Angel Kwolek-Folland, (University of Florida); Chizu Nakajima, (City University, London); Agnes Hubert, (European Commission, Brussels); Anina Mischau, (Bielefeld University); Gina Gaio Santos, (Minho University, Portugal); Diana Schimke, (Regensburg University); Grazia Francescato, (President of the Green Party, Italy); and Donato Francescato, Roma University La Spienza.
An article entitled "Pathways for Women to Obtain Positions of Organizational Leadership: The Significance of Mentoring and Networking," was published in volume 16 of the Duke Journal of Gender Law and Policy 89-136 (2009). Future plans include further detailed analysis of the survey, publication of results and a major European conference to disseminate the results to solicit further research on these issues. The working group hopes to ultimately recommend action steps impacting business practices to identify pathways for women to obtain positions organizational leadership.